LIBERTY & EXIT · LIBERTY & EXITINS-20240708-01

The Sovereign Individual Was Right—and Wrong

The information age did make work, capital and identity more portable. It did not make the state disappear. Technology increased private exit capacity while states built unprecedented systems of coordination and transparency.

Libertax editorial visualization for “The Sovereign Individual Was Right—and Wrong”
A Libertax editorial composition about The Sovereign Individual Was Right—and Wrong.

KEY TAKEAWAYS

KEY POINT 01The book was directionally right about portability. Information technology lowered the cost of operating, earning and holding some forms of value across borders.
KEY POINT 02It underestimated institutional adaptation. States and regulated intermediaries built cross-border information and compliance systems using the same digital infrastructure.
KEY POINT 03The sovereign individual is not invisible. Modern autonomy depends on optionality, coherent facts and robust infrastructure rather than on escaping identification altogether.

The Sovereign Individual deserves to be read as a serious forecast, not as scripture and not as a meme.

James Dale Davidson and William Rees-Mogg argued in the 1990s that the shift from an industrial to an information-based society would make economic activity more mobile, weaken some geographic monopolies and change the balance of power between individuals and governments.

A quarter-century into that transition, part of the thesis looks remarkably strong.

Knowledge work crosses borders instantly. A small company can sell globally. Capital and digital property are more portable. Individuals can maintain relationships with employers, clients, banks and platforms located in several countries. Bitcoin demonstrated that digitally scarce value can be transferred through a network without a conventional payment intermediary at the centre of every transaction.

But another part of the story moved in the opposite direction.

States did not merely watch technology reduce the cost of exit. They used the same information age to coordinate more effectively. FATCA, the Common Reporting Standard, CARF, beneficial-ownership regimes, AML/KYC systems and digital compliance infrastructure increased the ability of institutions to connect people, companies, accounts and assets across borders.

The updated thesis is therefore:

Technology increased exit capacity at the same time that states increased coordination capacity.

That double movement is more useful than either triumphalist prediction of statelessness or the opposite claim that technology changed nothing.

Key takeaways

  • The book was directionally right about portability. Information technology lowered the cost of operating, earning and holding some forms of value across borders.
  • It underestimated institutional adaptation. States and regulated intermediaries built cross-border information and compliance systems using the same digital infrastructure.
  • The sovereign individual is not invisible. Modern autonomy depends on optionality, coherent facts and robust infrastructure rather than on escaping identification altogether.

What the book actually tried to predict

The book’s official publisher describes its central subject as the transition from industrial society to an information-based society and the resulting transformation of economic and political power.

That framing matters because later commentary often attributes every crypto-libertarian prediction to the book.

A fair audit should avoid claiming that Davidson and Rees-Mogg precisely predicted every technology or regulatory development that followed. The relevant test is broader: did they correctly identify the direction in which information technology would change the economics of mobility and government?

On several dimensions, yes.

Right: knowledge work became less geographic

Industrial production ties capital to factories, ports, machinery and labour markets.

Information work can be much more portable.

Software, consulting, design, media, research and many professional services can be produced by small teams distributed across borders. Cloud infrastructure means that a company does not need to own a data centre to serve global clients. Communications technology has lowered the cost of maintaining teams and commercial relationships across countries.

This does not make place irrelevant. Tax residence, payroll, labour law, regulation, time zones, language and client proximity still matter.

But the minimum geography required to produce value has fallen for many businesses.

That was a real change in bargaining power.

Right: small organisations gained operating leverage

The information age lowered the minimum efficient scale of some firms.

A founder can use global contractors, cloud software, payment infrastructure, outsourced accounting and increasingly AI systems to perform work that once required a larger administrative organisation.

This does not mean the firm disappears. It means fewer people may coordinate a wider system.

The implications are important for jurisdictional competition. When a business is less tied to one factory or one local customer base, tax, regulation, banking, talent and quality of life can have greater influence over where the founder chooses to live and operate.

Mobility becomes economically more credible.

Right: digital property created new forms of exit

Bitcoin did not abolish the state, but it proved something narrower and historically important: a holder can control an asset through cryptographic keys and transfer it over a peer-to-peer network without requiring one specific bank to keep the master ledger.

That reduces dependence on particular intermediaries.

It does not eliminate dependence on electricity, communications networks, software, legal systems, exchanges, taxation or physical security.

The distinction is central to this entire series:

exit is layer-specific.

Technology can remove one dependency while leaving five others intact.

Wrong: geography did not disappear from law

Digital activity can be portable while legal nexus remains stubbornly geographic.

A person still lives somewhere. A company is still incorporated somewhere. Directors make decisions somewhere. Employees work somewhere. Property sits somewhere. Courts enforce contracts somewhere.

The information age did not eliminate those facts. In many cases it made them more complicated because the facts can now span several jurisdictions at once.

Remote work can create residence, payroll or permanent-establishment questions rather than eliminating them.

Digital mobility therefore weakens some geographic constraints while multiplying legal connections.

Wrong: tax systems adapted through information exchange

The book’s broader vision anticipated difficulty for governments attempting to tax increasingly mobile wealth.

There is truth in that pressure. Mobile tax bases remain politically relevant.

But the state response was much stronger than a simple decline in collection capacity.

FATCA created reporting obligations around US taxpayers and foreign financial institutions. The OECD’s CRS created a multilateral standard for automatic exchange of financial-account information. CARF extends standardised automatic tax reporting to relevant crypto-asset transactions through reporting service providers in implementing jurisdictions.

These systems do not make international assets universally transparent. Their scope, coverage and effectiveness vary.

But they demonstrate institutional adaptation: mobility increased and information followed it.

Wrong: intermediaries did not vanish

The internet disintermediated some businesses and created enormous new intermediaries.

Cloud providers, app stores, exchanges, digital-identity providers, payment processors and major technology platforms can become more concentrated than the systems they replaced.

A person who leaves one local bank may become dependent on one global platform.

A founder who is geographically independent may depend on a cloud account, domain registrar, email identity and payment processor that can affect the whole business at once.

The information age therefore changed the shape of dependency rather than eliminating dependency itself.

Underestimated: the state can coordinate across borders

The strongest correction to the original sovereign-individual thesis is not that individual states became omnipotent.

It is that states learned to cooperate.

Tax authorities exchange data. Financial institutions apply common AML concepts. Beneficial-ownership standards converge. Sanctions can be implemented across financial networks. Regulators participate in cross-border arrangements.

The same network logic that makes a global company possible also makes a global compliance architecture possible.

Technology did not create a one-way transfer of power to the individual.

It raised the capabilities of both sides.

The strongest objection: the book may have been a directional forecast, not a timetable

It is easy to declare the book “wrong” because nation-states still exist, collect taxes and fight wars.

That may be unfair.

Long-run technological transitions can unfold over many decades. A prediction about declining relative power does not require immediate state collapse. The information age can increase individual bargaining power even while governments remain powerful.

That objection should be accepted.

The point of the audit is not to score predictions like a sports match. It is to identify what a modern reader should keep and what should be discarded.

Keep:

  • technological portability;
  • global competition for mobile people and capital;
  • lower operating scale for information businesses;
  • new forms of private property and communication.

Discard:

  • any assumption that portability automatically eliminates nexus;
  • any assumption that digital activity is inherently opaque;
  • any assumption that intermediaries necessarily disappear;
  • any assumption that governments cannot adapt cooperatively.

Four variables clarify the result

Size matters less than the book sometimes implies. Large states can build powerful digital systems; small states can use technology to overcome scale limits.

Decentralisation exists at several layers. A network can be technically decentralised while legal power remains centralised. A federal state can be politically decentralised while using central tax reporting.

Openness increased dramatically for information, services and some capital.

Exit became cheaper in some layers but not universal. The individual may be able to change bank, custody system, country or employer while remaining constrained by family, tax, immigration or legal obligations.

The result is neither cyber-anarchy nor unchanged statism.

It is a more competitive and more observable world.

The practical sovereign individual keeps evidence

The romantic sovereign individual disappears from the system.

The modern one can explain it.

A robust international position needs to answer ordinary questions:

  • Where do you actually live?
  • Where is the company actually managed?
  • Who owns it?
  • Where did the money come from?
  • Which institutions hold the assets?
  • What reporting follows from those facts?
  • What alternative exists if one jurisdiction or provider stops working?

That is less glamorous than becoming ungovernable.

It is also more realistic.

The information age has expanded the range of choices available to internationally mobile people. It has simultaneously increased the number of systems capable of checking whether those choices tell a coherent story.

The book was right that technology would change the balance.

It was wrong to treat that balance as moving in only one direction.

Sources

Disclaimer

This article is an intellectual and institutional review of a published book and subsequent developments. It does not claim that the authors predicted every technology mentioned, and it does not constitute legal, tax, investment, financial or political advice.